The recent mobilisation in Loreto in defence of Petroperú and its claim on Block 192 underlines one of the most salient facets of Peruvian politics in the last 15 years: the decentralisation of opposition to the liberal economic agenda of the central government. The about-turn of Fuerza Popular (FP) in supporting Petroperú in the Congress (as against the government’s decision to contract a Canadian company) provides a further reminder of the need of national parties, bereft of any organised support in society as a whole, to appeal to public opinion in the regions.

While successive governments (Fujimori, Toledo, García and Humala) have imposed policies designed to attract foreign investment at whatever cost, it has been at the regional and local levels that resistance has made itself felt. The list of local protests against extractive projects goes on and on: Tambogrande (Piura) in 2002, Conga (Cajamarca) in 2006, Bagua (Amazonas) in 2009, Espinar (Cuzco) in 2010-2, Santa Ana (Puno) in 2011, Tía María (Arequipa) in 2015, Block 192 (Loreto) in 2015.

Although local elites are not always united in their opposition to extractive projects (there are many interests that benefit from projects which otherwise are questioned on environmental or social grounds) the logic of the ‘patria chica’ is often much stronger in motivating responses than arguments voiced by the Ministry of Economy and Finance (MEF) and mining lobbyists about the importance of investment to the national economy. Instances of whole regions coming together around opposition to mining projects are not uncommon.

The re-election victory in last year’s elections of jailed regional president Gregorio Santos showed the degree of consensus in Cajamarca against the activities of Yanacocha, the firm that has sought to push ahead with the Conga project. The protests in Islay against Southern Peru’s Tía María scheme enjoy powerful sympathy throughout the Arequipa region. The mobilisation in Loreto last month is indicative of a strong consensus in Iquitos and throughout Loreto about enabling the state oil company to take control of the country’s single most important onshore source of crude oil.

Decentralisation, and in particular the apportionment of an important percentage of resources generated by extractive industries through the canon system, has increased the relevance of local government in Peru, traditionally afforded little importance. Repeated rounds of regional elections since 2002 have shown the vitality and strength of local parties and the virtual absence of national ones.

The strength of local and regional identity contrasts vividly with the failure of national parties to oppose the MEF’s neoliberal agenda. Almost all of the main contenders in next year’s presidential elections support the continuance of such policies, irrespective of often violent opposition to these locally. The left, which remains weak and divided, has conspicuously failed (so far at least) to lead effective opposition at the national level in conjunction with regional pressure groups and social movements.

However, to win support in presidential or legislative elections, national parties need to attract local support. Doing so can involve awkward contortions. The example of Keiko Fujimori’s FP and its about-turn on Block 192 provides a good example of the sort of opportunism that can come about in an election year. Having consistently supported the neoliberal policies that were introduced by none other than Keiko’s father, Alberto Fujimori, FP saw a good opportunity to rally support in a part of the country where fujimorismo has always been weak. Keiko currently leads in the opinion polls in the race for the presidency. Both Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Alan García, he nearest rivals, have also sought to build alliances between their respective parties and regional ones in the hope of swinging support behind them before next April. After all, local constituencies are the building blocks of electoral success.

But in a context of rapidly shrinking canon revenues, these parties and the local elites that support them may seek to drive a hard bargain. As the elections approach, they will be sorely tempted to mobilise for a better deal from central government in future. Sinesio López, the political sociologist has some interesting thoughts on decentralised politics going forward. http://larepublica.pe/impresa/opinion/702384-alcance-y-limites-de-los-movimientos-regionales